ÀMÓDI IN THE PRACTICE OF IFÁ DIVINATION: DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
4.2 Àmódi and Disease Aetiology in Ifá Divination
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rúnmìlà told Olódùmarè that,
His companions that went with him to earth, Have been troubling his children on earth.
25 His children have been having different serious sicknesses, They had the look of a paralysed person.
He reported that he invited his divination students, They tried, but the children were not healed.
This has made me come to you, rúnmìlà.
30 Olódùmarè instructed that rúnmìlà should prepare:
A yard of white cloth, one tortoise, one snail, Eso leaf, edan, male and female.
Olódùmarè then instructed rúnmìlà to prepare one thousand two hundred.
He was instructed rúnmìlà to gather all these items together, 35 And burn them together on his return to the earth.
But he was to leave the money and the white cloth in heaven, For the diviners in heaven to continue to use in interceding for him, So that blessing will be his on earth.
rúnmìlà went to èjìgbòmekùn market, 40 He bought all that was prescribed,
He left the yard of white cloth and the money in heaven, And returned to earth with the other items,
He burnt them as instructed by Olódùmarè, He mixed the ashes with pap and drank, 45 He also gave some to his children to drink.
Not too long, rúnmìlà‟ children started to eat, And started to drink, they recovered from the disease, They recovered from somatoform disorder.
rúnmìlà resolved to use masquerade leaf to prevent all somatoform disorder, 50 That is manifest in his children,
Such that they will live long on earth.
A tortoise still crawls in its old age, same with the snail, Please don‘t stain my white garment, I am wearing white, So that witches cannot destroy the lives of my children,
55 I offered a thousand two hundred, drain all evil from my body, from my children‘s body.
Use Ogbè atè, to drain all the evil of àmódi away, From my body, from my children.11
This verse from Ogbè atè explains possible symptoms of àmódi as was found in the cases of rúnmìlà‘s children and it also points to the possibility of treating as well as the nature of treatment that is required when àmódi is diagnosed.
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This study examined 23 cases of patients that had àmódi in order to assess the visible contributions of Ifá divination to the diagnosis and treatment àmódi, because these disease aetiologies do not exist in Western paradigm.
Table 4.1: Demographic Table of the Observed Patients
Patients Age Sex Religion TLBTM T of R
A 36 F Muslim 10 years 1 month
B 45 F Christian 4 years 1 month
C 25 M Christian 1 yr. & 7
months
2 months
D 30 M ATR 4 years 1 month
E 35 M Christian 4 years 2 days
F 40s Couple Christian 7 years 3 months
G 40 M Christian 5 year Same day
H 15 F Muslim 8 months 2 months
I 40s Couple Muslim 8 years 3 months
J 45 F Muslim 10 year 2 month
K 28 F Muslim 3 years 6-7 days
L 21 F Muslim 6 months 7 days
M 32 M ATR 4 years 6 months
N 36 M Muslim 2 years 3 months
O 50s F Muslim 3 years 1 week
P 40 M Muslim 1 year 3 days
Q 28 M Muslim 1 year 3 days
R 30 M Muslim 2 years 2 days
S 50s F Muslim 4 years 1 month
T 40 M Muslim 2 years 15 days
U 40 F Muslim 6 months 1 month
V 60 F Christian Few months 1 week
W 22 F Muslim Over 10 years 2 months
12(Source: Author‘s compilation from fieldwork)
As indicated in Table 4.1, the patients that were observed in this study were in the age range of 15 to 60 years. There were thirteen (13) female patients (including the females in the two couples) and twelve (12) male patients (including the males in the two couples). Sixteen (16) of the patients are Muslims, seven (7) are Christian and two (2) are practitioners of Yoruba traditional religion. The ‗time line before traditional medicine‘ (TLBTM), that is, the length of time that the patients had spent suffering from the observed conditions, varied from six month to ten years. And the ‗time of recovery‘ (T of R) varied from one day (the same day that the patient commenced treatment) to six months (during which progress was visible).
For the purpose of data presentation and analysis, the patients have been divided into seven groups: to Ìjà Èsù - attack from Èsù, Èèwọ13 taboo, Orí one‘s personality soul, Ìwà búburú bad character, Ayé/àjẹ
12 This statistic does not represent the age, sex and religion of ALL those that patronize the babaláwo, it is a representation of the patients that were considered for this study.
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witches, Àì-kò-béèrè - lack of divination and Ìrírí ayé - life experiences. These are based on the disease aetiologies found in the course of this study. The process of diagnosis was not used to group the symptom into a particular class of disease, as is the format in Western healthcare paradigm. Diagnosis in this study searched for the causes of the symptoms of àmódi. This was done to prevent confusion as each of the conditions was possible in multiple disease aetiologies.
After diagnosis, conditions were given names so as to be able to describe the symptoms that were observed.
This is customary to Yoruba traditional method of diagnosis. The naming of a condition does not represent a category or class of disease; it only expresses the symptom found in the different patients.
In all the patients, early symptoms of their conditions took the forms of naturally caused diseases; that is, àìsàn ara. This was why the patients tried using Western methods of diagnosis before going to the babaláwo. The tests results for the conditions queried in the hospitals all came out negative; that is, they did not reflect the diseases suspected, and so all the patients were ‗informally/orally‘ referred to try the traditional methods of healing. This is why these conditions are described as medically unexplainable.
Table 4.2: Group One: Patient with a condition traced to Òrìșà (Deity)
Patient A
Age 36
Sex F
Religion Muslim
TLBTT 10 years
T of R 1 month
Condition/diagnosis Always felt heat in the stomach and could not get pregnant
Disease aetiology Odù Òsá-Èșù: Òrìșà:
Ìjà Èsù- Attack from Èsù.
(Source: Author‘s compilation from fieldwork)
This is made up of only one patient (A). This patient complained that she always felt heat in her stomach.
This condition made her go to a number of government hospitals. She was tested for ulcer, high blood pressure, and some other tests to find out the reason for this condition. She was also made to go through different tests to ascertain why she could not get pregnant. According to her, the doctors always told her
13Interview with Awo Ifalowo Ifakayode Oyasogo on the 7th of March 2011. He narrated a story to buttress the belief that èèwò can cause diseases. He said there was a pastor who had children that died one after the other. Their death occurred once they attained some certain months, they had different kinds of tests, but only after divination did they find out that they were from a family of Osun devotees and this meant that, they were forbidden to eat guinea corn, they were also not supposed to have their bath with hot water. The children died once they were switched from breast milk to pap made from guinea corn. This story was known because a son of the pastor who was in his late twenties refused to eat guinea corn with Awo Ifalowo Ifakayode Oyasogo, this made him conclude that he must be from an Osun family. It took the explanation of the father, for the young man to know that that was why he had to abstain from guinea corn and hot water, so as to stay alive.
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that they did not find anything from the result of the tests. She was told on different occasions to go home, rest and not worry about anything, but the heat she felt in her stomach never got better.
Disease Aetiology:
The symptoms in this patient were indicative of physical disorder as were tested for, but the babaláwo through divination − Odù Òsá-Èșù − found the disease aetiology to be Ìjà Èșù, attack from Èșù.
Ifá pé ẹni tí ó dá Ifá yìí, ìjà Èșù ni Ifá rí pé o ń șe é, kí ó sì mọ dájú pé ayé ń bẹ.
Ifá pé tí ẹni náà bá ti ń lá àlá, kí ó máa béèrè si, kí ó má sọ pé àlá lásán ni.
Ifá pé kí ẹni náà lọ fá orí rẹ . kí o fi oókan raá kí ó lọ fi lé orí Èșù.
Meaning:
Ifá has seen an affliction from Èșù; the patient should realise that there are wicked forces.
Ifá instructs that the patient should always find out the meaning of her dreams.
Ifá instructed that the patient should cut the hair on her head, rob the head with a coin and place the coin on the statue of Èșù.
This kind of diagnosis is possible in the scheme of things among the Yoruba traditional healthcare providers because the findings of Ifá divination sometimes ―indicate the necessity of sacrificing to a neglected ancestor or a god. It may suggest that the client should become an adherent of some cult other than the family god. It may point to disturbed relationships within the family, and the need to restore good feelings between relatives‖ (Maclean, 1998:33).
In the worldview of the Yoruba, Èsù is believed to be one of the major Òrìșà (divinities) such as Òrìșà-nlá,
ọ
rúnmìlà, Ògún, Șàngó and Șọ pànná that exist among the over two hundred divinities. These Òrìșà are believed to ―serve the will of Olódùmarè in the creation and theocratic government of the world‖ (Idowu, 1996:54). Olódùmarè is not regarded to be one among them; ―He is wholly other than they. But they are under His constant vigilance and control and to Him they owe absolute loyalty‖ (Idowu, 1996:59).These Òrìșà are believed to have been charged with important functions by Olódùmarè, and these functions defined and described them. The respect and acknowledgement of these functions yield favourable results.
But the ―failure to offer a necessary sacrifice or the refusal to worship a particular family Òrìșà (deity) can cause disease and affliction‖ (Jegede, O. 2010:25). In this study, the Òrìșà that was observed to be responsible for an ailment was Èșù.
Èșù is believed to be a versatile character, such that one must be wary of what one says about him. He has often been sweepingly called either the Devil or Satan. His role is most visible because he works with
ọ
rúnmìlà who is ―assigned the duty of hearing the voice of Olódùmarè and declaring His will to the world.UNIVERSITY OF IBADAN LIBRARY
But wherever
ọ
rúnmìlà‟ declaration is not heeded, it is the duty of Èsù to bring some calamity by way of punishment upon the recalcitrant‖ (Idowu, 1996:79).According to oral tradition, Èșù is dreaded by other divinities, as he seems to possess a power which none except Olódùmarè can handle. Èșù is ―the god who guards entrances and exits, crossroads, markets and shrines‖ (Maclean, 1978:35). He is regarded as neither completely good nor completely evil but thoroughly human in his unpredictable mixture of qualities. It is in this capacity that Èșù is believed to be capable of afflicting people with diseases when he is wronged. He punishes for various reasons, varying from neglect by a worshipper, to being invoked to inflict harm on someone by an aggrieved worshipper. This belief gives the basis for the belief and diagnosis that Èșù is a possible cause of disease.
The Ifá literary corpus indicates that misfortune, disease and even death may result from a refusal to offer prescribed sacrifice. Odù
ọ
kànràn-méjì has it that the children of Olú-igbó, Olú-ọdán and Olú-àrán Ìrángán were asked to offer sacrifice for success and life, two did, but the third one refused to offer a proper sacrifice and this led to his punishment as portrayed in the following Odù:Aròjòròjò Ìjòkùn, Ìjòkùn náà Aròjòròjò;
A díá fún Erin, Tíí șe ọmọ Olú-igbó;
5 A díá fún Ẹfọ n, Tíí șe ọmọ Olú- ọ dàn;
A díá fún Iràngan mote Tíí șe ọmọ Olú-àrán Ìrángán.
Wọ n ní kí Erin ó rú‟bọ, 10 Kí Erin ó lè baà lọ lá.
Wọ n ní kí Ẹfọ n ó wòyè, Kí ó baà níyì.
Wọ n ní kí Ìrángán mòté ó rú‟bọ Kí ó lè baà l‟ẹ rù ju gbogbo ẹyẹ oko lọ.
15 Erin gbọ , Erin rú‟bọ;
Ẹfọ n gbọ , Ẹfọ n wòyè;
Iràngan mòté rú‟bọ,
Wọ n sì l‟ẹ rù ju gbogbo ẹyẹ oko lọ.
wọ Erin tẹ ọlá, 20 Nítorí ó rú‟bọ ńlá ńlá;
wọ Ẹfọ n tẹ iyì,
Nítorí ó rú‟bọ púpọ púpọ regede;
wọ Iràngan mòté tẹ èrù, Nítorí ẹbọ rẹ kò tó nkan.
25 Ẹ súré wá,
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Ẹ wáà gb‟éyì fún mi.
Èmi ni Iràngan mòté.
Ẹ súré wá,
Ẹ wáà gb‟éyì fún mi.
The rain-maker of Ìjòkù, Ìjòkù also rain-maker;
Divination was performed for Elephant, Who is the child of the king of Olú igbó, 5 Divination was performed for buffalo,
Who is the child of Olúòdàn,
Divination was offer for Iràngan mòté Who is the child of Olúàrán Ìrángán.
Elephant was instructed to offer sacrifice, 10 So as to be wealthy,
Buffalo was to reason with understanding, So as to be reputable,
Iràngan mòté was instructed to offer sacrifice,
So as to have more property than all the other birds in the jungle.
15 Elephant listened and heeded to the instruction to offer sacrifice, Buffalo listened and reason with understanding,
Iràngan mote, offered sacrifice,
And had more property than every bird in the jungle.
Elephant was wealthy,
20 Because he offered bib big sacrifices, Buffalo was reputable,
Because he offered plenty of sacrifice, Iràngan mote became afraid,
Because his sacrifice is insignificant.
25 Come to my rescue, Bring me this, I am Iràngan mote.
Come quickly to my rescue, Bring me that.14
Yoruba people believe that ―failure to offer a prescribed sacrifice or the refusal to worship a particular family Òrìșà (divinity) can cause disease and affliction‖ (Jegede, O. 2010:25). Some diseases are believed to be traceable to some deities. For example, hunchback and paralysis are usually traced to Òrìșà-ńlá, just as madness may be traced to Șàngó or ya. Șọ pọná is generally believed to be capable of causing smallpox.
In the case of patient A, her condition was traced to Èșù.
Table 4.3: Group Two: Patients with conditions traced to èèw (taboo)
Patient B C D E
14 ‗Original‘ translation by the researcher
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Age 45 25 30 35
Sex F M M M
Religion Christian Christian ATR Christian
TLBTT 4 years 1 yr. 7 months 4 years 4 years
T of R 1 month 2 months 1 month 2 days
Conditions/diagnosis Severe stomach pain and could not get pregnant
Skin ulcer Swollen stomach, sleepless nights and loss of weight
Migraine
Disease aetiology Odù Ìwòrì-wòsà:
Ó jẹ èèwọ - ate taboo.
Odù Òfún-Òdí: Àì gbọ ìkìlọ - refusal to heed warning.
Odù Ogbè-atè: Ó jẹ èèwọ - ate taboo.
Odù Òsá-Ìretè: Àì gbọ ìkìlọ - refusal to heed warning.
(Source: Author‘s compilation from fieldwork)
Group two comprises of four patients (B, C, D & E) who complained of different symptoms. Ifá divination revealed that all four patients had their conditions stemming from either refusal to heed warning or breaking of taboos. It was observed that these conditions had no explainable link with the found disease aetiologies.
In patient B, the breaking of taboo led to severe stomach pain and childlessness. In the case of patient D, breaking of taboo led to swollen stomach, sleepless nights and loss of weight. And in the cases of patients C and E, Àì gbọ ìkìlọ led to two different symptoms, namely skin ulcer and migraine, respectively. The lack of logical link between the symptoms and aetiologies underline the reason why Western methods could not diagnose them.
Patient B had a child sixteen year before marriage, after which she stopped being sexually active until marriage. She was married for four years before she sought treatment with the babaláwo. She complained of having fever and stomach-ache after her marriage. It usually got worse after sex with her husband. She was made to do different tests. She once travelled to the United Kingdom for a check-up, but all the tests came out negative. She became worried about her feverish condition, but the worry became worse because the husband‘s family members wanted him to marry or at least have a child from another woman. Odù Ìwòrì-wòsà indicated that the patient had eaten a taboo; that is, ó jẹ èèwọ.
Patient C was suffering from skin ulcer (egbò àdáàjiná). This wound had lasted for one year and seven months. The patient complained that the wound prevented him from having girlfriends. Women avoided him once they found out that he had the wound that had grown very big and deep. This wound was around the ankle and had started affecting the way he walked. He said he had been to different hospitals and different tests had been carried out. Nothing indicated the queried causes. He said he had contemplated suicide on different occasions. Odù Òfún-Òdí indicated àì kò gbọ ìkìlọ , refusal to heed warning, which resulted in skin ulcer. This kind of skin ulcer (egbò àdáàjiná) forms a big sore that either starts out as a result of some minor known injury or one may just suddenly notice some irritation on the skin. These injuries do not get healed despite treatment and these kinds of injuries have led to many amputations because they do not respond to treatments; they rather get worse over time.
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Patient D is from a family of devotees of Yoruba traditional religion, who believe in regular sacrifices to prevent attacks from possible enemies, but she was lukewarm towards the practice. She suddenly found herself not being able to sleep at night and this was accompanied with severe stomach pain. After some time, her stomach became swollen. She was thought to be pregnant. She also thought so initially. But tests showed that she was not pregnant. The x-rays also did not show that she had fibroid. Odù Ogbè-atè indicated that the patient ate taboo – ó jẹ èèwọ.
In the case of patient E, he enjoyed good health until early 2008, after which he started having migraine that kept him away from his regular business. All the migraine drugs did not give any relief. He constantly had headaches (Oríitúlu) that kept him awake day and night, except when induced to sleep. This would usually be for an hour or two at a stretch. All the drugs that were prescribed failed. Odù Òsá-Ìretè indicated àì kò gbọ ìkìlọ - refusal to heed warning about impending danger.
Disease Aetiology:
Èèwọ (taboo), for the Yoruba people, are things that are forbidden. These are not just èèwọ by name; they are things that have either become a part of a tradition as found in legends, myths or even derived from human experiences. They become basis for things that are forbidden or things that must be done. Èèwọ can be in different forms. It may be some kind of food that is forbidden to be eaten or places forbidden to be visited, etc. Once a thing is considered to be èèwọ, it carries with it consequences for either ignoring or breaking it.
According to Awo Ifatayo Awogbile15, ‗diseases may be from Òde-ọ run; that is, from heaven. Such diseases are usually perceived as having natural causes that are not strange to humans, or diseases may be ládogun, that is, with a source from a force, which may be from either àwọn ìyà mi (witches) or the òrìșà (deities). These usually are as a result of breaking taboos or going against the promises made to them.
These are diseases that may appear to be natural but have spiritual forces as their causes.
The consequences that may result from the breaking of èèwọ include sickness. For the Yoruba people, once a taboo is broken, the consequence becomes felt, such that ―in the face of a baffling crime or offence, they say a kìí șe é ló máa dájọ (it is the taboo that will judge or track down the criminal)‖ (Idowu, 1996:150).
Jemiriye (1988) noted that ș or èèwọ (sin or taboo) can also cause chaos and disorder in an individual‘s life. This disorder may take the form of illnesses such as small pox (ilẹ -gbóná), mumps (șegede), blindness (ìfọ jú), stomach upset (inú rírun), etc. These will be physical symptoms as found in àìsàn ara, but they will not respond to regular treatments.
15 Awo Ifatayo Awogbile, is the Akogun Awo Agbaye/Awoko
rúnmìlà. He was interviewed on the 8th of March, 2011.
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For the Yoruba people, breaking of taboo is regarded as ș (sin), such as offering bàtálá palm wine or polluting of a sacred river or forest grove). And as taboos, the consequence of ș can be ―pain, evil, ruin, decay, unpleasant mood and sometimes death‖ (Jemiriye, 1988:17). Indeed, ș has the capacity to destroy the normal festive life of an individual. To corroborate this position, Nyabongo (1962) noted that ―Africans believe that when they sin, they lose harmony, which usually would lead to their getting ill‖ (Nyabongo, 1962:38). According to Odù Ìrosùn, Osùn Ègà:
Ikún, awo Mágbà, Àsà, awo Mòkítì,
Òkéré fì „tàkùn ‟ónà, a o orí èég n
Ègà sèrè-sèrè níí ș‟ọmọ „kéyìn ọn lénje-lénje.
5
ọ
rúnmìlà r‟àjò,Ó fi àwọn mẹ rẹ ẹ rin ‟ílé.
Àwọn mẹ ta wọ‟lé lọ bá ìyàwó
ọ
rúnmìlà lò pọ ; Ègà dé ẹnu ìlẹ kùn, ó ní;wọ ń wá, ẹsẹ ń gbọ n,
10 Àti wọ ‟ilé Barapet bá mí l‟ẹ rù Ikún principal initiate of Màgbá, Àsà, principal initiate of Mòkítì
Òkété that makes climbers its pathways, principal initiate of the top of èégun (cotton tree)
Ègà of incessant twittering, their servile, close follower.
5
ọ
rúnmìlà travelled abroad;He committed the care of his house to the four
Before his return, three of them entered the house and committed adultery with his wife.
Only Ègà would not enter the house;
For on reaching the door, he had an attack of tremor of fear:
He said,
‗My hands are trembling, my feet are quivering, For me it is a frightful thing to enter Babapetu‘s house‘
(Idowu, 1996:150-151).
This story ended with nemesis catching up with the culprits and leaving Ègà with blessings since he did not break any taboo. Èèwọ is sometimes made manifest in àfọwọ fà (self-inflicted disease). These are conditions that result from an individual‘s misdeed. It literally means condition caused by one‘s self.
According to Awo Alaba Oshodi,16 many of the diseases in this category require only ètùtù to correct the wrong that was done or to stop the actions that are causing the diseases. It is in this group of diseases that conscious disruption of equilibrium in interpersonal relationships belongs.
16 Interview with Awo Alaba Oshodi, the ‗Oloundan of Akure‘, Oba-Ile and Igoba, on the 3rd of March, 2011.